German Socialist Republic

The German Socialist Republic, or Deutsche Sozialistische Republik, DSR or Germany, is a country in Western Europe and one of the central focuses of the timeline. Before 1920, Germany was a proud military nation, but their eventual failure of the Great War in 1919 resulted in a weakened state of democratisation. Following the Spartacist Revolution in 1920, Germany was remolded once again, becoming a socialist state, and the first state to adopt a new form of socialism known as German Spartacism.

Germany is now a one-party socialist republic, with the Volksführer, or People's Leader, acting as both Head of State and Head of Government. The current Volksführer is Walter Ulbricht. Ulbricht molded the ideology into a more social democratic stance following the Roterspaltung of 1926. Since then, relations have been sour between Germany and the Soviet Union, with potential ideas surfacing of what German political scientists are calling Roterkrieg, or Red War.

Great War and Repercussions
Because of President Charles Hughes' refusal to enter the United States into the war, Germany became overconfident in its ability to win the war after it beat Russia in 1917. Little did it know, back home, Germany was suffering economically, structurally and, most of all, politically. The war was dragging on and while nationalist pride was at a high, continued failed operations and offensives on the Western Front resulted in stalemate after stalemate and many thought the war was never going to end.

German workers felt it the worst, with military industry dominating Germany's workforces. Kaiser Wilhelm II constantly told the people to 'hold firm and fight on' with the belief that Prussian might would eventually win Germany the war. When the economy took a toll and industrial workers were left starving, resentment and hatred grew among the people towards who they blamed responsible for letting the war drag on - the government, and more specifically, the Kaiser.

In December 1918, as stalemates rocked the Western Front continuously, workers began calling for a demand for peace talks to end the war in a draw, believing neither side would win. Demands were shut down by the government, and the workers were furious. German lives were being needlessly wasted, they thought, for a cause that had already been proven. These ideas began to take shape in what became known as the Bleak Christmas riots.

The Kaiser was quickly becoming the most hated man in Germany. By January of the next year, the Bleak Christmas riots were becoming exceptionally violent, and an unknown assailant fired on the Kaiser. He survived, but the attempt left him shaken and paranoid for the remainder of his rule. By February, he publicly agreed to abdicate to boost the morale, and the people celebrated, believing war would finally be over. The German government, however, held strong sympathies for the Kaiser and agreed to secret discussions to keep the war going, believing a victory in the war would spur the inevitable return of the Kaiser.

Bleak Christmas riots therefore continued into March, but now with a new idea in mind. If the German government were refusing to stop the fighting, then it was clear the current system was corrupt; this became a breeding ground for Marxism. In May, the German army was pushed so far back that the government finally surrendered and agreed to peace talks, but by then, the damage was already done.

The Revolution Has Begun
In June 1919, while the Paris Peace Conference was underway, revolutionary attacks were already beginning to spur. As the German communists had seen in Soviet Russia, a swift attack would be perfect for the overturning of the state, but without clear leadership, there was nothing more they could do. Minor demonstrations were shut down for the next few months, until German communist leaders were ready to make a stand.

In September, German socialist and communist leaders met and talked in what became known as the 'Branston Meeting', which planned for unionised demonstrations on a grand scale in 1920, to break the new German state and to model it in their own people's utopia, just as Marx had envisioned. In December, the Treaty of Versailles were signed, and the impacts were so devastating that the German socialist leaders believed it was the perfect time to rally support for the cause.

From January through to March, riots and rebellions sprung as a reaction to the Treaty of Versailles, but were shut down by new de facto German police brigades. Without a strong army to defend Germany, by March the socialist leaders knew the time had come. In March 1920, the Spartacist Revolution was launched, and the socialist leaders chose Karl Liebknecht to lead them.

Key areas in Berlin were taken, and unionised workers across Germany agreed to a general strike, slamming the German industry and economy to a halt. The United Kingdom and France could do nothing but watch on, fearing another war was too early. The militant Communist brigades took hold of the Reichstag, and demanded power on the spot; they held the building for nearly six hours, until the German government finally ratified their dissolution, and the instating of Communist authority in Germany. German government exiles fled to Austria and the newly formed German Free State, establishing a de facto government in the region. They were granted protection by the new Polish corridor, and the state focused majorly on ensuring its recognition.

The New Germany
The following month in international relations revolved around the question of Germany's legitimacy. The British Cabinet debated over the intervention of the new socialist government, but decided against it, as opinions were too split. President Hughes, however, remained neutral on the subject, stating that "Germany has chosen her path, and we should leave her to it". The main question was which Germany was to be recognised as legitimate; the central socialist government, or the newly formed Free State in East Prussia. Eastern and Southern European states, such as Italy, Austria, Poland, Czechoslovakia, Hungary, Romania and Bulgaria chose to recognise the German Free State as legitimate. Soviet Russia agreed to recognise the German Socialist Republic.

Britain, France and the United States dwindled on the subject. For the most part, the socialist government under Liebknecht had not actually established their state, and Liebknecht knew that well. In June 1920, Karl Liebknecht announced the formation of the German Socialist Republic, or DSR, with himself as its Volksführer. In an essay entitled 'Of the Future of Germany', the Volksführer and several other socialist leaders drew up the tenets and structure of a new ideology, German Spartacism, a Pan-Germanic Marxist ideal.

With revolution looming in their own borders, following the consequential economic depravity of the Great War, Britain and France reluctantly agreed to recognise the new German socialist state to avoid war, but maintained strong unofficial relations with the Free State.

In October 1920, Liebknecht met with Vladimir Lenin in Moscow, and agreed to sign the 'Rotebindung', a formal alliance between Soviet Russia and the DSR. It became the first formal alliance the DSR would sign. The agreement saw Germany join the Comintern, and the international players began to suspect the worst; that Communism was ready to spread.

In December, the Volksführer agreed to elections, but stated that only Spartacist-approved candidates would run as to maintain the integrity of the state. German workers, both male and female, were able to apply for electoral positions, and their commitment to Spartacism was judged before they were either approved or denied to take part in the elections. To maintain the morale of the Republic, Liebknecht ratified the All-Franchise Law, making everyone over the age of 18 registered to vote. Those who were elected became representatives of the Rat der Kommissare, the new main governing politburo of Germany.

The Hostile Peace
Following 1920 came the period known as the Hostile Peace. The German Socialist Republic regained its industrial power and appeared to dominate in its economy over the Soviet Union. Despite the Rotebindung in place, the Soviets felt a sense of competition with the Germans. Furthermore, Volksführer Karl Liebknecht had begun opening relations with Britain, France and the United States, and while talks were tense and, for the most part, inconsequential, some progress was made to satisfy the powers that war was not going to happen again.

While competition was high, friendship between the DSR and the newly-formed USSR remained just as high as well. The Comintern met regularly, dominated by the interests of the Soviet Union and Germany, much to the frustration of the other European powers who gradually saw the friendship as more and more of a threat. The most threatened of the bunch was Poland, who felt squashed between the two Communist giants, and breathed in for what they saw as the inevitable. Not only that, but the German Free State remained an integral figure in international relations, speaking out against the rise of Spartacism and Bolshevism. To get them out of the picture would be vital.

The Hostile Peace began to take a turn, however, in 1924, following the death of Lenin. With Soviet leadership in question, the DSR felt it necessary to take command of the Comintern. But as so, even Germany was beginning to face their own problems, as Karl Liebknecht had been diagnosed with terminal cancer of the brain, which left him mentally redundant by 1925. It was clear that Germany, as well as the Soviet Union, would need to find new leadership as well.

The Triumvirate
In October 1925, it was clear that Karl Liebknecht was no longer fit to rule, and just like in Soviet Russia, a triumvirate sprung to fill the void. Ernst Thälmann, August Thalheimer and Walter Ulbricht stood to fill the void while Germany looked for new leadership. While the RdK greatly admired Thälmann, Liebknecht had been grooming Walter Ulbricht to be his successor from the near very start. By January 1926, Thälmann and Ulbricht were the last remaining contenders as Thalheimer threw his support behind Thälmann.

But Walter Ulbricht believed that he had rightly been trained for the position. Although largely regarded as a fabrication, Ulbricht presented the Testament of the Volksführer, which indicated that Walter Ulbricht was 'specially groomed and prepared' for the role. The document was analysed, and with Karl Liebknecht already braindead and unable to speak, the politburo agreed that the document was legitimate without his final word. By unanimous agreement, in March 1926, Walter Ulbricht was decreed the new Volksführer of the DSR. Ernst Thälmann and August Thalheimer both recognised the legitimacy of the Ulbricht administration, and Thälmann and Thalheimer became Home Minister and Foreign Minister respectively. They became known as the Governing Triumvirate, and many saw them as a trio-leadership, despite Ulbricht having the final word of law.

Karl Liebknecht died in April 1926, and a state funeral was held. The Governing Triumvirate attended, with Ulbricht giving a speech on his predecessor's success and legacy for Germany.

Der Roterspaltung
In 1926, Joseph Stalin had finalised accumulating his power in the Soviet Union. His methods of attaining power frightened Ulbricht and the German politburo, and it seemed that friendships would collapse. Ulbricht had already decreed previously his full support for Leon Trotsky, but now was making special arrangements for Trotsky to hide in Germany should the inevitable occur. With this proclamation, Stalin announced that 'the Red Binding was becoming unbound', and Britain and France watched on with much interest. In November 1926, Ulbricht stated that there was nothing more Germany nor the Soviet Union could do to heal their wounds, and formally announced Germany's exit from the Comintern.

The next few years were treated with suspicion. German agents of the Abwehr entered the Soviet Union, gathering as much information as they could, but some were found out by Stalin's new NKVD, and their allegiances revealed as German. When tensions finally broke down, Ulbricht made a grand announcement. In March 1927, Walter Ulbricht announced a restructuring of German Spartacism, turning instead the focus of the ideology not to forming a great Spartacist-Soviet alliance, but to forming a Pan-Germanic socialist union and recovering lost German lands. The ideology furthermore was to be adapted as a direct competition to Stalinism, and it softened on its purely Marxist tendencies. The position of Volksführer would be maintained, but the position of the head of the politburo would be electable; driving Germany away from Marxism, and to the more lenient social-democratic form of Spartacism that is known in 1932.

When Trotsky was expelled from the Soviet Union in 1929, Ulbricht welcomed him into Germany with open arms, and Trotsky was given a strong citizenship status and government protection.

Speculation of Roterkrieg
In 1931, the question dominating German political science was the idea of Roterkrieg, or Red War, the realisation that the mass industrialisation of the Soviet Union would inevitably lead to war with Germany. Several plans were drawn up for the potential of war, with the vast majority of them including a German annexation of Austria and Czechoslovakia, and an invasion through Poland and the German Free State to get to the border of the Soviet Union. Walter Ulbricht maintained that if war with the Soviet Union was successful, then Trotsky would be implemented as the new leader.

The idea of Roterkrieg was not just in Germany. Britain and France both saw the potential of Roterkrieg as being fundamentally important, and made secret agreements to assist the German Free State. In particular, fresh new British Prime Minister Oswald Mosley met with the German Free State government and agreed that if war became inevitable, Britain would agree to guarantee its independence and step in. War was becoming exceptionally prominent, though no side wanted to cast the first match.

In 1932, Germany remains highly tense with the Soviet Union. Walter Ulbricht intends on maintaining his role of Volksführer, but competition from Thälmann and Thalheimer may hinder his progress, especially if one of them wins the position as the head of the politburo.

Way Forward
The player has some options on how to progress as the DSR while largely maintaining their socialist identity. There are some paths available for the player to go down that can drive them off the straight and narrow.

The Republic Holds Firm
Walter Ulbricht maintains his leadership, and either Ernst Thälmann or August Thalheimer become leader of the politburo. This keeps the country on the straight and narrow going into the Roterkrieg.

End the Liberalisation
A scripted coup event that the player can decide whether succeeds or fails: Ulbricht has gone far enough in his liberalising of the German Spartacist ideology, and the German military is ready to take action. Under the command of Ernst Röhm, a military coup can force the government out of power and end the liberalisation. Röhm can then decide whether he wishes to keep power, or pass power to a new leader.

The Radicalisation of Socialism
If the Röhm coup is successful, the player can choose which way they want to go from there. An example option to go down is by implementing Strasserism as a potential new ideology, and establishing Gregor Strasser as Volksführer.